Siol nan Gaidheal identifies the relationship between Scotland and England as a classic imperialist dichotomy between the "Imperialist Motherland" and a colony. Thus Scotland's geographical proximity to England must never be seen as legitimising the unnatural relationship between the two countries. Nor was Scotland the first colony in the imperialist structure, for which reason it cannot be claimed that England and Scotland set out in league with one another to plunder a global empire. In fact, England had been in the process of building a world empire for some centuries before the inclusion of Scotland into the fold. England had, however, always wanted Scotland as one of its possessions. Our land frontier dictated the desirability of this, for a land border is tactically no more than a potential source of invasion, while Scotland's celebrated long-term relationship with France merely lent a greater urgency to England's lust to acquire our land. Further, the manpower of a colonised Scotland, formerly in essential opposition, could be effectively engaged to the advantage of English ambitions.

The way in which Scotland was drawn into entrapment differed little from the method employed to lure several of England's more distant satellites to national grief. Specifically, India was ripe for just the sort of overwhelming approach which the English had perfected in Wales, Ireland, North America, Scotland and even small fragments of France and Spain which they had held. The technique revolved around the aggrandisement of a section of the indigenous community to be colonised - so much easier where endemic sectarianism is extant, the procurement of a favourable disposition among sections of the natural indigenous leadership - easier if they are not materially wealthy, and the presentation of a seemingly invincible military power as a final psychological stimulant to positive co-operation. This could describe the process in Scotland or in India at the time of their respective adoptions by "Mother England".

Thankfully, the Indian sub-continent hs re-emerged from the trauma of colonisation having negotiated the long and painful process of liberation. Hindu India has been reborn into statehood so that Indian Culture again enjoys a secure context in which to develop and grow naturally according to the agenda of the Indian people. The nation states of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are fulfilling the same supportive functions for their peoples and it may be hoped and surmised that eventually the Sikh people will have their legitimate aspirations fulfilled by destiny and natural justice, and that something approaching peace will replace the chaos fostered so carefully by English Imperialism over two hundred terrible years.

While Scotland yet awaits such a liberation, we Scots have recently welcomed small communities of Pakistanis, Indians, Bengalis and Punjabis into our country. We in Siol nan Gaidheal identify a natural empathy with these former fellow-exploitees of empire, and for nationalists it is heartening to see how many of these recent arrivals are determined to preserve their cultures as a priceless heritage for their children. Siol nan Gaidheal welcomes their commitment to culturality and urges indigenous Scots to follow their example by intensifying our efforts to preserve our languages and art forms as an enrichment to everyday life for individuals and as a means towards that positive voluntary social cohesion which is community spirit.

Reciprocally, the vast majority of Asians in Scotland seem favourably disposed toward, and even positively excited by, the prospect of Scotland's eventual liberation from the cloying web of empire. We are pleased and proud to have welcomed many Scottish-Asians into our movement and to feel the passionate support of many others. Not all, however, appear to feel this way.

Inevitably these English-based professional ethnic-minoroty-activists are rarely to be encountered outwith the company of their English colleagues and masters - since the English pull the financial strings which fund the whole masquerade.

Satwat Rehman, so typical of the genre, recently expressed her disapproval of Scottish Nationalism in 'CARF', an English magazine opposed to racism, but which sadly has nothing to say about the racism which keeps 5 million Scots in thrall. Perversely, Satwat Rehman identifies support for Scottish self-determination as an embryonic racist ideology. Logically, this would mean that Mahatma Gandhi was a racist bigot for campaigning to force the English withdrawal from his country. Satwat states in 'CARF', as she often does, that Scotland "reaped the profits of imperialism". Elsewhere she has been known to highlight the role of Scottish soldiers in building and defending the imperialist structure, and of Scottish clerks involved in colonial administration.

Siol nan Gaidheal would answer these inept interpretations of Scotland's imperial participation with alternatives obtained froma Scottish perspective. That is to say, one which is Scottish in spirit and not just in geographical location. Pointedly, this unavoidably draws upon the parallel experiences of other peoples. Thus, once again, Nationalism is seen to be essentially and inextricably linked with the notion of Internationalism. Siol nan Gaidheal recognises that amorphous essence, the very bone marrow of 'Scotland', in any meaningful conceptualisation of 'our nation', has been so damaged by its imperial experience that it may never fully recover.

To claim that Scotland benefited from empire may be a reference to a handful of new Lairdly Millionaires. The British Empire did create a number of newly wealthy individual Scots, but clearly Scotland as the concept of a healthy, living, developing human society, which is what Scottish Nationalism is all about, was shelved completely during the lost generations of imperial adventurism.

Empires seem to have the innate ability to engender the emergence of the whole range of sycophancy in almost any community into which they intrude. It would be inappropriate to defend the Scots who participated in the extension of British Power, as it would be improper to highlight the extent of Indian involvement, after they became a part of the said empire. The financial benefits realised by a small number of individual Indians through their colonial status could not realistically be said to have represented any real advantage to India, where wide scale famine was employed as a tool to foster improved (from a British point of view) economic conditions. Thus with Scotland, the extension of favours to the prime traitors of the day, against a backdrop of popular humiliation and cultural genocide, could not be said to have advanced Scotland's National Interest in any real way.

The British Empire utilised Scottish soldiers in India. The British Empire used Irish soldiers in India. The British Empire even employed Indian soldiers in India. It is a sad fact that for every Argyll Fencible there was a Bengal Lancer, though this may offer information about basic human nature rather than about the moral fibre of the average Scot or Indian. None of these exploited peoples themselves bear the blame for the crimes of the empire. However, the certain knowledge that cliques of traitors were recruited from all the countries of the empire should perhaps modify self-righteousness 'all round' in the terms of the very apt Christian adage, 'let he who is without sin cast the first stone'.

Nonetheless, collaborators notwithstanding, it would be true to say that England once colonised and exploited India and that England has colonised and presently exploits Scotland. The Scottish people and those who have come to live among them from the nations of the Indian sub-continent share this common bitter experience.

There were also Scots who found 'respectable' employment in the civil aspect of the imperial structure. They worked side by side with Irish, Indian, Malay, Arab, Persian and African colleagues in an imperial civil service drawn from more diverse ethnic stock than even that of Justinian or Genghis Khan. The record of the Scots involved at this level is neither particularly proud nor especially shameful but, most pointedly, the Indian clerical class in the colonial administration developed a track record second to none in the field of clandestine support for the independence movements in Malaya, the Caribbean, Kenya and Uganda. In our own day, the ethnic Indian population is strongly represented in South Africa's A.N.C. It would be a great pity were English-trained race issue workers to drive Scottish Asians into a perverse alliance with The British Interest which clearly remains their natural opponent in this shrinking arena of empire.

Indigenous ethnic-Scots striving for national autonomy have the right to expect empathy and active support from our new co-nationals, free of uncertainty or confusion introduced by professional ethnic-minority-activists from England.

Structural Racism is alive and well and living in Scotland. It is directed at the Scottish People and emanates from relic power structures which are the surviving legacy of the British Empire.

Our friends from India and Pakistan, from Bangladesh and Khalistan are living testimony that even the most entrenched power structure can be defeated and dismantled. Let us express clearly that we in Siol nan Gaidheal welcome them into this country and look forward eagerly to their full participation in our grass-roots liberation process which will free Scotland as a similar process, not so long ago, freed India.

© Siol nan Gaidheal, 1993